Harare - Civil servants in Zimbabwe threatened late Thursday to
go on strike in seven days unless the government offers them more
pay.
A nationwide strike could paralyse the southern African country's
already ailing economy.
'Our members are grappling with economic
challenges, including failure to meet our basic needs,' Tendai Chikowore,
the leader of the senior civil servants, told journalists in the capital
Harare. 'We do not condone or accept a paltry renumeration offer that seeks
to perpetuate the suffering of workers and condemn them to be
paupers.'
She said the government had offered monthly salaries ranging
from 160 US dollars - amounting to a 25-per-cent pay increase for low- level
civil servants - to 241 US dollars.
'What we've offered is the best
we could at the moment to the people who are critical to our country,'
Public Service Minister Eliphas Mukonoweshuro said. 'We are doing all we can
to raise the civil servants' working conditions.'
But Cecilia
Alexander, the president of the Zimbabwe Public Service Association, called
the proposal 'an insult' and demanded a minimum salary of 502 US
dollars.
'We have diamonds in this country and revenue is rising daily.
Where is that money going?' Raymond Majongwe, the secretary general of the
Progressive Teachers of Zimbabwe, asked.
The civil servants, who are
some of the lowest paid in southern Africa, had embarked on an open-ended
strike last year after turning down what they called a 'pathetic' salary
offer. The strike ended after the government promised them a substantial pay
hike this year.
Sources
in the defense forces told VOA on Wednesday that they received their January
pay slips this week reflecting salaries from US$193 up to US$225, a scale
expected to apply to other state employees
Gibbs Dube | Washington 12
January 2011
Modest 2011 pay increases for members of the Zimbabwean
military, believed to indicate similar incremental gains for civil servants,
have left public workers disgruntled.
Sources in the defence forces
told VOA on Wednesday that they received their January pay slips this week
reflecting salaries from US$193 up to US$225. Base pay for soldiers last
year was US$176 a month including housing and other allowances, and many in
the military had hoped to see a 100 percent increase in public sector pay
this year.
The Apex Council comprising officials of public sector unions
and associations, said it is displeased at indications that civil servant
salaries will not be doubled.
The national unity government launched
in February 2009 abandoned the Zimbabwean dollar and as a gesture to public
workers paid minimal allowances up to US$200. The government has continued
to tell state workers it can't afford to pay much more.
Apex Council
Chairperson Tendai Chikowore said the panel will meet on Thursday with
government officials to argue for larger increases. “We expect fireworks at
the meeting as the government is doing what it wants without consulting us,”
Chikowore said.
State employee Cephas Sibanda said the Apex Council will
not manage to get a 100 percent pay rise for government workers.
VOA
was unable to reach a senior government official for comment on the
matter.
The council represents the the Public Service Association,
the Zimbabwe Teachers Association, the Progressive Teachers Union of
Zimbabwe, the Teachers Union of Zimbabwe and the College Lecturers
Association of Zimbabwe.
In presentin his 2011 budget, Finance
Minister Tendai Biti set aside US$1.4 billion for civil service compensation
but did not detail the salary structure.
Party
hardliners led by ZANU-PF Chairman Simon Khaya Moyo have called for Prime
Minister Tsvangirai’s prosecution for treason for allegedly conspiring with
Washington to unseat President Mugabe
Blessing Zulu | Washington 12
January 2011
Zimbabwean Attorney General Johannes Tomana on Wednesday
distanced himself from reports he is establishing a commission to probe
information revealed in US diplomatic cables from Harare to Washington that
political opponents of Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai have charged showed
he engaged in treasonous activities.
So far the fallout from
Wikileaks disclosures concerning Zimbabwe has been limited, but a more
formal inquiry could create legal complications for Mr. Tsvangirai, who in
2004 was acquitted of treason in an alleged plot to assassinate President
Robert Mugabe.
Mr. Tsvangirai is likely to challenge Mr. Mugabe in the
next presidential election, which depending on circumstances could be held
late this year or early next.
Tomana told VOA that only the
president can set up such a commission of inquiry.
The
state-controlled Herald newspaper, generally considered a mouthpiece for
President Mugabe's ZANU-PF party, had reported that Tomana would unveil a
commission of inquiry to probe Mr Tsvangirai's ties to a former US
ambassador.
Party hardliners led by ZANU-PF Chairman Simon Khaya
Moyo, Foreign Affairs Minister Simbarashe Mumbengegwi, politiburo member
Jonathan Moyo and Mashonaland Central Governor Martin Dinha have called for
Mr Tsvangirai’s prosecution for treason for allegedly conspiring with
Washington to unseat Mr. Mugabe.
The ZANU-PF functionaries have
seized on cables published digitally by Wikileaks that showed former US
Ambassador Christopher Dell envisioning regime change in Harare. ”We need to
keep the pressure on to keep Mugabe off his game and on his back foot,
relying on his own shortcomings to do him in,” the cable showed Dell
writing.
Mr Tsvangirai has dismissed what he says ZANU-PF partisans
calling for his resignation and prosecution over the contents of the leaked
cables, characterizing them as "barbarians" who "should have their heads
examined."
National Constitutional Assembly Chairman Lovemore Madhuku
told reporter Blessing Zulu that only Mr Mugabe has the powers to appoint a
special commission.
Madhuku said the Wikileaks information has lent
credence to Mr. Mugabe's often-repeated charge that Mr. Tsvangirai is a
servant of Western interests.
Human
Rights Watch and others say Zimbabwe's military is illegally selling
diamonds to enrich Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF party ahead of next year's
election
By Brian Latham and Fred Katerere
Enos Chikwere
spills nine uncut diamonds from a bag at Restaurante Piscina in the town of
Vila de Manica in Mozambique near the Zimbabwe border. He says the stones
are worth $75,000 and that he bought them from Zimbabwean soldiers. The
diamonds come from a mining concession the government seized in 2006 from a
private company. The army has used forced labor, human-rights groups say, to
mine the gems. The stones are sold illicitly via smuggling.
Chikwere is
part of a chain that stretches back to the Zimbabwe African National
Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF), the party of President Robert Mugabe, which
has won four violent and disputed elections since 2000.
The dealer says
his gems come from Marange, Zimbabwe's biggest field, in in the east. By
selling the army-sourced stones abroad, the dealers are enriching the
86-year-old President's party ahead of next year's vote, according to Human
Rights Watch, Partnership Africa Canada, and the Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC), the political party led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai
that governs in a forced coalition with Zanu-PF. Extensive interviews with
these human-rights groups, as well as MDC, smugglers, and diamond dealers,
provided the information for this story. The human-rights groups in turn
have based their assertions on interviews with soldiers, diplomats, diggers,
community leaders, and members of government, including the Parliamentary
portfolio committee on mines and energy.
Under Mugabe's policy of seizing
farmland from white farmers and redistributing it to his followers, the
once-prosperous Zimbabwean economy has shrunk drastically. Zanu-PF, in
search of a steady source of financing, found it in the mines. "Revenue from
the mines is serving to prop up Mugabe and his cronies," Tom Porteous, the
U.K. director of New York-based Human Rights Watch, said in an e-mail to
Bloomberg News on Dec. 8. "There are real concerns that diamond revenue will
be used to fund political violence and intimidation of Mugabe's opponents."
In previous political campaigns, Zanu-PF paid youth militia to beat up
political opponents and intimidate voters.
The smuggling from Marange
benefits Mugabe's party because it is mostly carried out through the
military, which controls the mine and reports to Mugabe. Marange diamonds
can't be exported legally because the field hasn't met an international
certification standard showing that the proceeds don't go to finance
conflict. Mozambique, meanwhile, isn't a member of the Kimberley Process, an
organization of governments and diamond companies that tries to reduce the
number of conflict diamonds in the world.
Mugabe's party denies the
allegations of smuggling diamonds to support its campaign efforts. "These
are just inventions of the Western imperialists who are trying to discredit
Zanu-PF," spokesman Rugare Gumbo said in a Dec. 6 phone interview from
Harare, the nation's capital. "There is no corruption at Marange, and
Zanu-PF is not using the proceeds."
Soldiers mostly entrust the Marange
stones to smugglers who then link up with buyers outside Zimbabwe. The MDC,
the coalition partner that Mugabe reluctantly accepted into the government
under pressure from other African countries, condemns the military's role.
"We need the money to pay civil servants," says Finance Minister Tendai
Biti, a member of the MDC. "We must rein in the political elite who are
prospering from the stones."
The soldiers are very open in their trading,
says a Nigerian dealer in Chimoio, capital of Mozambique's Manica province,
who says his name is Colonel Rambo. They give their cut to their superior
officers, who surrender a share to politicians, he says. In Vila de Manica,
Chikwere boasts that there is no limit to the number of stones he can get.
"Don't worry about me and the border," he says. "I have my
systems."
The bottom line: According to Human Rights Watch, the Zimbabwe
military is selling diamonds illegally to finance Robert Mugabe's reelection
campaign.
Harare, January 13, 2011 - The cash-strapped Government of
National Unity (GNU) last year sold rough diamonds to the Government of
India in exchange for the building of a centre and the training of workers,
it has been established
The Minister of Mines and Mining Development,
Obert Mpofu, actually signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with the
Government of India to sell them local rough diamonds in exchange for a
training centre to be built by the Indians in Harare.
The Indians
were also to train Zimbabweans on diamond cutting and polishing.
Mpofu
went to India in October and cut the lucrative deal for the Indians. The
deal was struck by an Indian firm known as Surat Rough Diamond Sourcing
India Limited. In terms of the agreement Indian's Surat would establish a
diamond training academy in Harare which would train young workers on
diamond cutting and polishing.
In exchange Zimbabwe would supply
rough diamonds to the Indian firm.
The Ministry of Mines and Mining
Development has already confirmed that Zimbabwe has about 16.5 million
tonnes of diamonds hidden in such areas as Chiadzwa, Murowa and the
controversial River Ranch Farm where former army commander, General Solomon
Mujuru has much influence.
Last year more than 1 200 000 carats of
diamonds were mined but disappeared in Zimbabwe.
HARARE – The United States (US) has expressed concern at the
lack of progress by Zimbabwe to fully implement resolutions of the Kimberly
Process (KP) as officials in Harare vowed to block Washington from being
appointed the monitoring scheme’s deputy chair.
"We remain concerned
about Zimbabwe’s lack of progress in implementing the minimum requirements
of the Kimberley Process with respect to the Marange diamond fields,” Robert
F Cekuta, US deputy assistant secretary for energy, sanctions and
commodities said on Wednesday.
According to Cekuta, the US was
particularly concerned about, “continued smuggling, the potential for a
repeat of the grave violence seen in 2008-09 in and around Marange, and
about Zimbabwe’s unwillingness to cooperate fully with the Kimberley
Process”.
The US official called on the Harare authorities to ensure that
operations at Marange were in full compliance with KP requirements, adding
that this would be beneficial to the long-term interests of Zimbabwe and its
people.
But officials in Harare, who spoke on condition they were not
named, told ZimOnline that Zimbabwe would respond to US criticism by vetoing
any attempts to appoint the US as deputy chair of the world diamond trade
regulatory body.
"We will continue blocking them to be named as
deputy chair," a government official said. "For once we would use the KP
veto system to our advantage to their disadvantage. We have the resources,
and they have nothing.”
The KP banned Zimbabwe from selling diamonds from
the Marange fields in 2009 over allegations of human rights abuses in the
extraction of the gems and failure to meet minimum requirements for trading
in the precious stones.
But the organisation allowed Zimbabwe to conduct
two supervised sales which took place in August and September last year
following a report by Chikane that said Harare had met all KP
conditions.
The issue of Zimbabwe selling the Marange diamonds has
divided the KP along political lines, with Western countries led by the
United States, Germany and Australia as well as civil society groups that
are members of the organisation calling for the extension of a
ban.
African and other countries, including Russia, have however opposed
the calls to ban the diamonds.
Zimbabwe has criticised the calls for
a ban of the Marange stones, accusing the West of using the diamonds issue
to punish President Robert Mugabe for taking land from white farmers and
reallocating it to blacks. -- ZimOnline
Thousands of Bulawayo residents are
reported to have been stranded on Wednesday after the traffic police blocked
all roads leading to the main terminus at Esgodini. Commuter omnibuses could
not access the main areas of the city and many workers and students
returning to school found there was no transport for hours.
The
police claimed they were hunting for the culprits who had stoned one of
their new BMW vehicles in Makokoba suburb. But journalist Zenzele Ndebele
explained that the incident was the result of ongoing tensions between
corrupt traffic police officials and angry omnibus crews.
Zenzele
said: “Touts are complaining about the conduct of traffic police who have
become more corrupt and are demanding more money. There has been tension
between them and on Wednesday there was a standoff between touts and the
police after the patrol car was stoned. Police then blocked all roads
leading to the main terminus and many people were stranded.” According to
Zenzele, the traffic department purchased new BMW cars that were very
expensive and cost a lot to service. The traffic police were then tasked to
raise $2,000 in fines per car each day. But drivers and touts said they are
taking advantage of this and raising money for themselves as
well.
Zenzele spoke to some drivers who said they are being fined even
after they produce all the required documents, because the police find
something on the omnibuses to ticket them for. Drivers have paid fines
ranging from $10 to $80.
“The fines are high and not wearing a seat
belt can cost you $20. They are fining drivers for things like fire
extinguishers and it can add up to $100 a day,” said Zenzele.
Those
who fail to pay the fines are sometimes ordered to park their vehicles for
the rest of the day, losing much needed income. Bulawayo residents are
reportedly up in arms against the traffic police and tensions continued to
affect transport on Thursday.
The Bulawayo Agenda civic group
confirmed the incidents in a statement released on Thursday, which said:
“Traffic police in the city and commuter omnibus crews are in an undeclared
war. The police are reportedly harassing commuter omnibus crews because one
of the BMW was stoned in Makokoba.”
“The traffic police have been
fleecing commuter omnibus operators since acquiring BMWs in early December
2010. The cheapest ticket is reportedly in the range of US$80” said Bulawayo
Agenda.
Zaka - January 13,
2011 – More than 30 people were left injured here on Wednesday after a group
of soldiers went berserk and started to beat up civilians who were doing
their private business at Jerera Growth Point.
Eye witnesses said they
were shocked to see unformed soldiers beating civilians for no
reason.
“Look we are not in a war, why do they just descend on us and
start beating us. Even if we go to war, we think our soldiers should be seen
protecting us, they are paid to give us peace of mind not this kind of
torture,” said an eye witness.
The incident follows a similar one in
Gutu just before last Christmas when several people were injured
when soldiers ran amok in Gutu beating up revellers in pubs and taking away
their beer.
Masvingo’s 4 brigade spokesperson Kingstone Chivave said:
“You must inform us not writing about these reports. What do you gain by
tarnishing our image? This is one of the minor bad things that anyone from
any profession can do.”
Masvingo police spokesperson Inspector Tinaye
Matake said: “We cannot say anything now as we are gathering information. I
heard about 11 people who claimed to be soldiers were arrested.”
Gweru, January 13,
2011 - There are fears of an outbreak of cholera in Gweru after UNICEF which
had been donating water purification chemicals indicated it was pulling out
its support.
Mayor Thadeus Chimombe told Radio VOP: "UNICEF has indicated
that it will stop supplying us with chemicals beginning this year. We are
however still trying to negotiate with them so that they can once again
continue assisting us with water treatment chemicals."
The council's
director of finance Edgar Mwedzi said the city needed US$ 529 120 a month to
procure water chemicals. The council said it is unable to afford it since
the bulk of all its revenues go towards payment of wages and
salaries.
UNICEF started supplying all councils with chemicals to
purify water in 2008 when Zimbabwe suffered its worst cholera outbreak.
UNICEF wrote to councils that it would stop supplying the chemicals on
December 31, 2010 as it had achieved its objective of helping to end the
cholera epidemic. Negotiations between UNICEF and association of councils in
Zimbabwe are in progress and a meeting is due to be held in Harare
soon.
"We have indicated to UNICEF that if they abandon us now, we are
likely to plunge into the cholera era again. The council is struggling and
it is highly likely that without UNICEF we can provide clean
water."
The council has constantly failed to provide water to its
residents due to old pipes and water pumps. Gweru's major water source,
Gwenoro dam, has two out of six pumps working. The city's engineer Jones
Nanthambwe said the pumps needed to be replaced with new ones as they had
outlived their life span.
Harare,
January 13, 2010 – Supporters of the smaller faction of the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC-M) regrets dumping Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai
when the party split in 2005, saying the new president Welshman Ncube is out
to use them.
Arthur Mutambara led the MDC-M party until last weekend when
Ncube was voted president.
“Yes its true, people all over the country
are crying foul, they are realizing that Ncube wanted to use them. This is
the reason why we still believe Mutambara is our President not Ncube. Our
supporters are frustrated by the divisions in the party and this is the
reason why they think they were betrayed," said the party's former national
chairman Joubert Mudzumwe.
Mudzumwe mobilised other disgruntled party
members and petitioned party leaders to register disappointment with Ncube
just before the party congress held in Harare recently.
While
Mutambara agreed to step down at the congress, he implored the party
leadership not to ignore issues raised by the petition. Mudzumwe described
Ncube as a political schemer 'who lured us to dump Tsvangirai".
“It
was better if we had remained under Tsvangirai. We blame our leadership for
all this mess. They are all power hungry and not worried about the people’s
welfare. Tsvangirai was better,” said MDC-M supporter Lloyd
Muchenyu.
Addressing provincial executive members and legislators for
Masvingo province recently, MDC-T national spokesperson Nelson Chamisa
confirmed that a lot of people from MDC-M were approaching them to be
re-admitted in the party.
“They have approached us, they want to come
back to join us. They might come here even today because we told them that
our doors are open,” Chamisa told the gathering at Panyanda lodge – about
ten kilometres south of Masvingo city.
Ncube said this week
Tsvangirai's party was being led by a bunch of 'hypocrites and pseudo
democrats'.
LISA STEYN | JOHANNESBURG, SOUTH
AFRICA - Jan 13 2011 16:13
While hundreds of thousands of
Zimbabweans have applied for business, study and work permits in South
Africa, the fate of thousands of others is now unclear.
Over 44 000
Zimbabweans permit applications have now been approved by the South African
Department of Home Affairs and more than 10 166 are subject to further
review. On Wednesday, the department told the M&G there were still 222
554 applications pending adjudication, with 1 800 applications being
processed daily.
The process started last year when home affairs
declared that Zimbabweans in the country would need to apply by December 31.
By the deadline, 275 762 had applied while an estimated 1,5-million
Zimbabweans reside in the country.
Jacob Mamabolo, Head of Port Control
at the Department of Home Affairs, told the M&G that no applicants had
been rejected, but were subject to further review.
Review of
applications He said when the process started it was found that home affairs
officials were rejecting numerous applications. It was decided to review
these applications, with a view to uncover the reasons for rejection: "When
we started the process we realised the rejection numbers were picking up."
It was then that a decision was made to have these applications
reviewed.
Zimbabweans were given until the December 31 last year to apply
for permits to live in the country or risk being deported after the
moratorium on arrests ends.
Professor Loren Landau, director of the
African Centre for Migration and Society (ACMS) at Wits University in
Johannesburg, said the processing of applications seemed to have been
carried out in an ad hoc manner: "As far as I know there was never a single
document which outlined who should be able to qualify and who
shouldn't."
Mamabolo said that the requirements for application had then
been "relaxed" and that perhaps the reason for so many rejections had been
"inconsistent applications and interpretations of
requirements".
Initial requirements for application were to provide a
valid Zimbabwean passport and proof of study, work, self employment or
business.
Two weeks before the December application deadline the Minister
of Home Affairs, Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, announced that the deadline would
not be extended but that applicants would not need to present a passport --
provided they had proof of applying for one -- nor would they need to
provide fingerprints on forms.
Applicants who did not qualify would
receive rejection notices, and they would have 10 days to lodge an
appeal.
Deportation Those who missed the deadline would be deported,
according to Mkuseli Apleni, the director-general of the Department of Home
Affairs.
"If there are people who have willingly not taken this
opportunity they will be deported," he said at a media briefing last
Thursday.
Mamabolo said once the project was complete, the Immigration
Act would again apply to all foreigners coming into South Africa.
The
ACMS's Landau said this would be an effective return to the status quo of
widespread arrest, detention and deportation.
"In the year before the
initial moratorium started in mid-2008, South Africa had deported close to
300 000 people. About two-thirds of those were Zimbabweans." Landau said he
believed if the Act was enforced as it had been in the past, "we will see a
return to those numbers".
"This has immense consequences, not only for
the migrants but also for the families that depend on them, employers who
hire them, the employees that they hire, and the SA taxpayer."
Landau
said he had hoped for long-term plan, noting there was a need for a regional
approach to migration in Southern Africa. This, he suggested, could be
established through a range of bilateral agreements or through a South
African Development Community initiative. Such an effort, he said, should be
aimed at creating regional labour markets, promoting the movement of skills,
and facilitating trade.
"Without some sort of pragmatic policy, we
will be left spending millions and violating rights to enforce a law that no
longer fits the context in which we live."
Documenting more than 275,000 Zimbabweans who applied to legalise
their stay in the country will depend on the co-operation of the Zimbabwean
government and its ability to produce passports, a senior home affairs
official said today.
Chief Director for Permits, Jacob Mamabolo, said
today in Pretoria that the government hoped to finish processing the 275,762
applications for residency by Zimbabweans by June 30, but "the co-operation
from Zimbabwe will be critical".
However, the Zimbabwean government
is only able to process 500 passports a day and a substantial number of the
Zimbabweans who applied to legalise their stay do not have
passports.
Mamabolo said he could not immediately say how many of the
275,762 applicants did not have passports. He expected the department to
have sorted out all the applications and would then know how many
Zimbabweans do not have passports.
He said that Home Affairs Director
General Mkuseli Apleni was planning to meet with Zimbabwean consular and
embassy officials to discuss ways of helping the Zimbabwean government to
speed up its ability to issue passports.
In addition there would be a
meeting between Home Affairs Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma and her
Zimbabwean counterparts in the near future.
Yesterday, he told Sapa that
the department hoped to complete processing the 275,762 applications by June
30, after which Zimbabweans will have 31 days to collect their visas from
the 42 home affairs offices.
The government set aside R6 million for the
project, but Mamabolo said that only once the whole process had been
completed by June 30 would the full cost become apparent.
In April
last year, Pretoria announced a moratorium on the deportation of Zimbabweans
and granted them a special dispensation so that they could get their
documents from Zimbabwean officials based in South Africa.
The
dispensation was to allow them to normalise their stay in South
Africa.
They had until the end of 2010 to lodge their applications with
the department of home affairs. - Sapa
Until the moratorium
is lifted on deportations, police offers are not allowed to arrest illegal
Zimbabweans. SAPA Published: 2011/01/13 01:16:15 PM
Policemen
should know they can’t arrest Zimbabweans for not having proper documents to
be in SA until the home affairs department lifts the moratorium on
deportations on August 1, Lawyers for Human Rights said on Thursday.
"It
is a positive move from home affairs to extend the moratorium on
deportations," Kaajal Ramjathan-Keogh, head of the refugee and migrant
rights programme said in a statement.
"We are however concerned about
the continued arrests and harassment of Zimbabweans by [police]. We would
encourage home affairs to formally communicate this decision to extend the
moratorium to the police so that we do not continue to see Zimbabweans being
arrested for immigration reasons, while the Zimbabwe documentation process
is being finalised." On Wednesday the department announced that a moratorium
on the deportation of Zimbabweans who don’t have the proper papers to be in
the country, would stay in place until August 1, to allow for the 275,762
applications for the legalisation of their stay in South Africa to be
processed.
June 30 has been set by the department as the target to finish
the job, which was marked by queues of Zimbabweans snaking down pavements
outside its offices to take advantage of the offer.
Ahead of a media
briefing by the department, LHR said they were told that with the help of 38
additional adjudicators, expected to finalise about 60 applications a day
each, 2280 permits would be completed daily.
According to LHR, by January
14, all home affairs centres should have submitted all applications to the
head office in Pretoria.
On January 17, the department would meet
Zimbabwean authorities to discuss problems with the issuing of passports,
which was creating problems in the project, LHR said.
By February 4
all applications should have been sorted into categories including work,
business or study, and outstanding documents, information and fingerprints
should be requested.
By June 30 all permits should be adjudicated and
issued to applicants through the home affairs centres where applications
were received.
On receipt of a rejection notice, applications had 10 days
to lodge an appeal. LHR advised people in this situation to comply strictly
with the deadline, otherwise they can be deported.
By July 31
everyone who was successful should have their permit.
On August 1, the
moratorium on deportation would be lifted.
Estimates vary on how many
undocumented Zimbabweans live in South Africa. Some sources suggested the
figure could be as high as three million people.
Many Zimbabweans arrived
for economic reasons during their country’s economic meltdown.
They
made South Africa their base, sending remittances to their families, and
only travelling back for holidays, without keeping their paperwork, if they
had any in the first place, up to date.
Zimbabweans caught without
documents to be in South Africa were deported, but most returned swiftly,
either by crossing the Limpopo River away from the border post, or via the
multitude of buses and taxis plying the route between the two countries, to
resume their lives in South Africa.
Written by Tony Saxon Wednesday, 12 January
2011 08:02
KADOMA - Brandon Dube (not his real name) is a gold dealer. He
reckons that he has made more than $100,000 from black market gold dealing
over the past five years. Dube is a central link in a syndicate that
connects Zimbabwe's gold with South Africa, Democratic Republic of Congo and
Dubai. "I have been dealing in gold for almost four years now and I've lost
count of how much gold I have bought, but it has made me rich," said the
37-year-old Dube, previously a high school teacher. "You can make more or
less $700 every week, but if you buy the right gold, you score
more." Kadoma is the latest place in Zimbabwe to discover the corrupting
power of gold. Kadoma’s Musengezi River contains gold deposits claimed to be
worth billions of dollars, potentially making Zimbabwe one of the world's
top gold producers. A resettled farmer and a war veteran in the area who
declined to be named said he had decided to form syndicates with illegal
miners to dig for gold on the 20 hectares plot near the Musengezi River
allocated to him during the infamous fast-track land reform
programme. “There is no proper farming talking place. We do not have adequate
inputs and most of us do not have any technical expertise in farming. This
means that we are struggling to earn a living from the new farms, so we have
ventured in gold panning,” he said. Some see the promise of economic
deliverance and the prospect that Zimbabwe could be transformed from its
battered economy to become Africa’s best. So far, however, the gold has been
more curse than blessing, seducing fraught and materialistic Zimbabweans and
foreign mercenaries with horrifying consequences. As the new year begins
there is a latest wave of gold rush in Kadoma that has seen thousands of
unemployed and hungry Zimbabweans, including the resettled farmers, taking
to illegal prospecting for gold and other minerals along the rivers in this
midlands town. The miners some of them from Chiadzwa diamond fields in Mutare
and Shurugwi have relocated to Kadoma where more and more illegal miners
have set their bases on river banks. Illegal miners interviewed by The
Zimbabwean said the farms that were within the rivers were rich in gold and
that is why they had turned to them. “The farms that belong to the new
farmers are rich in gold. So the famers themselves have abandoned farming
activities and are now concentrating on the illegal mining,” said George
Chitehwe an illegal miner. There have been some violent running battles
between farm owners and illegal miners, as the miners are now invading the
farms where they are digging for gold. “Many people have begun spreading
to the farms near the rivers where they fight with the land owners. But the
majority of the new farmers who have been finding it difficult in the
farming activities have since formed some syndicates with the illegal
miners,” said Chitehwe. With a hyperinflation-crippled economy offering few
alternatives, about 10 000 people, including women and children, are
reportedly mining and buying gold in Kadoma. The once-quiet Kadoma has
taken on the aspect of a frontier town and the social impact is still being
reckoned today. Reports say that school children are reluctant to go back to
school as the new term opens to hunt for gold. Teachers and other
professionals are quitting their jobs to join the craze. A survey done by
The Zimbabwean revealed that young men are getting rich quick and are buying
luxury cars they do not know how to drive, leading to numerous fatal
accidents. The streets of Kadoma have been awash with latest models of
cars. Diggers and buyers from South Africa, Botswana, DR Congo, Mozambique,
Equatorial Guinea, Nigeria, Lebanon, Pakistan, United Arab Emirates and
India among other countries have besieged the small town. Once Dube has
bought gold, he takes it to buyers in Kadoma who usually stay at the Kadoma
Ranch hotel, or in the capital, Harare, or across the South Africa, Botswana
and Mozambique borders. "If you buy for $10,000, then you get $26,000. Nobody
really knows how much the gold is worth,” he said. In Kadoma, there are
few who will talk about gold, and even fewer who will give their
name. "People are scared to talk at the moment," said one local dealer. "The
government has ensured that at every place you go where there are minerals
there are state secret agents or someone connected to them. Even in schools
there are teachers who are on the payroll," he said without elaborating
further. Doubts remain that gold profits are being channelled directly to
the cash-strapped Zanu (PF), or at least to ensure that the underpaid army
remains loyal to the party. "When the next election comes, it's going to
be a bloodbath," said one observer. "And that bloodbath will be sponsored by
the Kadoma gold and Marange diamond fields." He added that there was
virtually nothing coming from the land that was given for resettlement,
hence, Zanu (PF) would be using minerals as another trump card to sponsor
violence. “We have all switched to gold panning for a living because that is
one benefit we have from the land that we took from the whites," said
Gabriel Soza a war veteran and resettled farmer. Other farmers reported
of harassment by illegal miners. “This is something else. We are in a war
with these illegal miners. Last week they came and brought down my fence.
They are now digging for gold. I have tried to restrict them but they have
refused to go and they are almost digging the whole farm. "I have made
some reports to the police and they responded positively by doing some
periodical raids. But some of the police are being given bribes and allow
them (illegal panners) to continue digging up my farm. I don't have enough
money to employ full-time security personnel," said David Dziva another
resettled farmer. Some farmers have complained of corrupt police force that
is turning a blind eye to illegal gold panning in the area by soliciting
bribes from the panners who are also causing extensive land degradation.
Written by TREVOR GRUNDY Wednesday, 12
January 2011 14:50
LONDON - The Director of the Commercial Farmers Union
(CFU), Hendrick Olivier, has welcomed the idea of an open debate on the
successes and failures associated with the Zanu (PF) land “reforms” that
were accompanied by violence and sometimes murder since 2000. “I welcome
reports by Professor Ian Scoones and his colleagues that there should be
more research into land ownership. I also welcome the idea of an open debate
on these so-called reforms. The CFU is in the process of putting our own
report together and we will release it to everybody in due course,” said
Olivier in a telephone interview. Earlier, Scoones told The Zimbabwean that
the time had come for rounded debate on the subject of land ownership
change. “This requires presenting the facts from the ground. But there is
also a need for the government, the political parties, the international
media, donors, embassies and so on to engage in the debate more fully. And
this is why the research we’ve just published (Zimbabwe’s Land Reform: Myths
and Realities published by James Currey, London) along with other solid
field research on the impact of land reform – needs to be at the centre of
debate. We want the debate to move ahead based on evidence, on facts, on
details and on information based on research rather than on conjecture,”
said Scoones. His book (co-authored by a team of researchers from the
University of Zimbabwe) was the result of interviews with 400 households
(new black farmers) in Masvingo Province. Only five percent of those
interviewed could be categorized as “cronies” attached to the ruling party.
Scoones said that his team of researchers met with no official blockage when
it came to implementing research programmes in Masvingo Province and that
his work has no political motive or agenda. Asked about accusations that most
of the land taken from (mainly) European commercial farmers over the last
decade is now in the hands of largely incompetent black “telephone farmers”
who live in cities and towns and who call up their farm managers at weekends
to see how things are going, Scoones replied: “Sure, there were elites who
grabbed land … unquestionably…there are some well-connected elites connected
to the part who have multiple farms, contradicting the official policy on
single farm ownership. In addition, there were others – civil servants,
business people who have gained land. Not necessarily elites by any means –
former extension officers, teachers, small-scale businesspeople and these
people have added new skills, new connections, new entrepreneurial abilities
in injecting them into the new resettlements.” Olivier said Scoones might
not be far off the mark when he says that only give percent of the “cronies”
had befitted in Masvingo. But he added: “Most of Masvingo Province is very
dry and it’s a cattle and wildlife area so not all the cronies fancy that.
They like land that is close to the city centres because most of them have
jobs in the army, civil service, police … and they live in town, which
enables them to pop down to their allocated farms at the weekend. When you
analyse what’s going on in the bigger picture and see what’s going on with
beneficiaries in other parts of the country then it’s a different situation
altogether.” “There are definitely some new farmers out there with potential.
I am not talking about cronies. I’m talking about genuine people who have
applied for a piece of land. They’ve been given the land but they’ve been
given no assistance or support whatsoever. They’ve been dumped on a farm and
told to get busy. Because of the collateral issue they cannot access any
finance. They’ve got a piece of paper which the minister can review in 24
hours and say ‘You’re off your farm now!’ and that doesn’t give them any
security. I admit there are some newcomers who could become very good
farmers. They need support and this is where the CFU would like to play a
role.” – This debate will be continued in the next issue. Please send your
comments to: editor@thezimbabwean.co.uk
Samuel Zuze, a Chipinge magistrate notorious for his bias
against MDC supporters, collapsed in court on Wednesday and was pronounced
dead at St Peter’s Hospital in Checheche, the local MP has
confirmed.
Chipinge East MP Mathias Mlambo, also a victim of Zuze’s
controversial judgments, told SW Radio Africa that the magistrate “collapsed
while in the process of passing judgment on more MDC activists brought
before his court.”
The cause of death is not yet known although there was
speculation of a heart attack. Superstitious members of the community are
already blaming witchcraft for the death of a magistrate who was heavily
despised in the area. Even the local MP said there was not much sorrow at
Zuze’s death. Several sources have confirmed that Zuze will be buried in
Rusape on Saturday.
Last year in September Zuze jailed Gift Mafuka
for one year with hard labour for allegedly ‘insulting or undermining’
Mugabe’s authority as President. The suggestion was that Mafuka had called
Mugabe ‘wrinkly’ and ‘old’ while commenting on t-shirts worn by two young
boys. Three months of the sentence were suspended for five years on
conditions of good behaviour. It was only the intervention of the Zimbabwe
Lawyers for Human Rights that Mafuka was granted bail by the same magistrate
3 months later. In the meantime he had suffered stays in Chipinge Prison and
later Mutare Prison, from where he was to be released pending his appeal.
The lawyer said the evidence was not sufficient to warrant a conviction and
that the sentence was too excessive.
Last year Zuze again shot to
prominence after presiding over a case in which he found four farmers guilty
of refusing to leave their properties. Zuze had convicted and sentenced
Algernon Taffs, Z.F Joubert, Mike Odendaal and Mike Jahme to pay US$800
fines and vacate their properties within 24 hours. It later turned out that
Zuze had an offer letter from the Mugabe regime to take over Jahme’s
farm.
A day after being convicted the four farmers made a successful
urgent High Court application allowing them to stay on the farms until the
appeal against conviction and sentence was concluded. A defiant Zuze refused
to accept the order and instead caused the arrest of Commercial Farmers
Union president Trevor Gifford and Dawie Joubert, son of one of the farmers,
accusing them of contempt of court.
In July Zuze convicted the MDC-T
MP for Chipinge South, Meki Makuyana on ‘trumped up charges’ of kidnapping,
and sentenced him to 18 months in prison with hard labour, of which 6 months
were suspended. This meant the MP would have had to serve an effective 12
months in prison. Mathias Mlambo, the MP for Chipinge East was convicted of
inciting public violence by the same magistrate.
A total of 4 MP’s
from Manicaland province were targeted by the regime. Mlambo for example was
later acquitted in the High Court while Makuyana’s case is still to be
resolved owing to delaying tactics by the late Zuze.
Fuming MDC-T councilors in Victoria Falls have
slammed the ‘treacherous behaviour’ of the Mayor, Nkosilathi Jiyane, for
pursuing personal interests at the expense of residents in the resort
town.
Jiyane, elected into council on an MDC-T ticket in 2008, defected
from the party over the weekend citing “too much interference in his duties
and persecution by party officials.” Jiyane is now running the town as an
independent and is believed to have the backing of Local government minister
Ignatious Chombo.
But his fellow councillors have blasted him for
being ‘dishonest and economic with the truth’ after flouting party rules and
going against council resolutions. The MDC-T won all the nine wards during
the 2008 harmonised elections.
Councillor Bernard Nyamambi of ward 1
in the town accused Jiyana of deception and of working to divide the MDC-T.
Nyamambi said the Mayor did not have the party at heart but “pretended to be
with us since we elected him to his position two years ago.”
“For him
to come out now and say he’s defecting from the party because of too much
interference is treacherous behaviour, which we in the MDC-T condemn
unreservedly,” Nyamambi said.
He added: “He (Jiyane) needs to look at
himself in the mirror and ask if he’s telling people the truth. I don’t
think by asking him repeatedly to implement programs that were agreed to by
a full council is by any means interfering with one’s work."
The
councillor went on to say the Mayor’s ‘treacherous behaviour’ could be
witnessed everywhere but was strikingly evident in his ‘wicked attempts’ at
creating a state of turbulence in Victoria Falls.
“This man is a
dubious mayor, a mayor by default who refuses to implement and go along with
fellow councillors from the same party. Three months after we elected him
mayor he started to show his true colours by going against us and taking
instructions from people outside the MDC-T party. We don’t work like that in
our party and we suspect from intelligence we get that he could be working
for another party,” councillor Nyamambi said.
The mayor has also been
seen attending wild parties thrown by some ‘big fish’ from ZANU PF. There
have also been reports circulating in the town that Jiyane has been working
in cahoots with ZANU PF’s Mines Minister, Obert Mpofu, in his
property-buying spree.
Mpofu last year reportedly splashed millions of
dollars on high-value properties in Victoria Falls. The minister is alleged
to have acquired at least 27 properties in Victoria Falls alone over the
last few months.
The properties include a supermarket in Chinotimba high
density suburb, three houses in a medium-density area, two cruise boats on
the Zambezi, five houses in Mkhosana high density suburb, three houses in
Chinotimba, two industrial stands, one large stand in Chisuma, one big
industrial stand next to Chinotimba stadium, four industrial stands on the
Airport road, and four medium density plots.
The Zimbabwe chapter of the Media Institute of Southern Africa
(MISA-Zimbabwe) said this week that recently increased journalist fees,
which have sparked fears of a media clampdown, “are not legally
binding.”
The government has quadrupled registration and accreditation
fees for Zimbabwean journalists working for international media houses. In
new fees announced by the Minister of Media, Information and Publicity
Webster Shamu, reporters working for foreign media will be required to pay a
US$400 accreditation fee, up from US$100. Their employers meanwhile will
have to pay US$6 000 annually, more than double the current rate of US$2
500. The new regulations for 2011 will also see journalists working for
foreign media paying an application fee of US$100, up from US$20, while
southern African news groups will have to pay annual fees of US$2 000, up
from US$1 000.
Shamu has since distanced himself from the exorbitant fee
increase, which has been described as ‘retributive’ and ‘punitive’ by media
rights groups. Shamu said in a statement last week that the fees were pegged
by the nine-member Zimbabwe Media Commission (ZMC), which “only turns to the
Minister and the Ministry for legal administrative instruments that give
full effect to its decisions.” He said the Ministry’s relationship with the
ZMC was “strictly administrative.”
MISA-Zimbabwe said on Wednesday
that, while Minister Shamu’s statements are legally correct, “the wording in
the Statutory Instrument 186 of 2010 gazetting the accreditation fees
implies that the regulations emanated from his Ministry.” The Instrument
that was published as a supplement to the Zimbabwe Gazette dated 31 December
2010, states that the Ministry “made” the regulations in terms of Section 91
of the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act
(AIPPA).
“Going by the wording of the Statutory Instrument, the ministry
is in violation of the law, making the Instrument invalid and consequently
of no legal force. This is because section 91 of AIPPA, which formerly
empowered the Minister to make regulations as stated in the Statutory
Instrument, was amended in 2007 to give the ZMC the authority to make such
regulations. The Ministry only approves them,” MISA-Zimbabwe said in a
statement.
MISA-Zimbabwe’s Legal Officer Farai Nhende told SW Radio
Africa that their point of contestation is that the wording of the gazetted
regulations “presupposes that the regulations came from the Ministers
office.” He explained that “it is all too apparent that the regulations have
not emanated from the office of the ZMC.”
“They (the regulations) are
of no legal force at all,” Nhende said. “Basically the Minister would have
usurped the powers that are supposed to be vested in the
ZMC.”
MISA-Zimbabwe said that since the gazetting of the Statutory
Instrument on the new accreditation and registration fees was inconsistent
with the enabling legislation, “they are void and therefore cannot be
legally binding.”
The ZMC meanwhile has said it will not back down
from the fee increases and has warned that journalists who practice without
proper accreditation will be prosecuted. Godfrey Majonga, who heads the
Commission, said on Friday that the policy will stand firm.
“We will
not reduce the fees. Probably we will extend the period a little,” he said.
Written by Staff
Reporter Wednesday, 12 January 2011 13:52
HARARE – While confusion
reigns over forthcoming elections, President Robert Mugabe's Zanu (PF) is
working feverishly to ensure that it wins any election by the foulest of
means. The party has begun a campaign of violent intimidation, cynical and
corrupt exploitation of the empowerment issue and unconscionable abuse of
power. Last week in Nyanga, war veterans began invading lodges owned by
white tourism operators, ostensibly to hit back at western targeted
sanctions imposed on Zanu (PF). Food continues to be used as a political
weapon. Distribution of food aid in Zimbabwe, where two million people face
hunger, has become a political hot-potato, much to the chagrin of
humanitarian agencies battling to implement life-saving programmes. The
MDC said in a recent statement that it was dismayed by countrywide reports
of partisan distribution of agriculture inputs by Zanu (PF) politicians and
cabinet ministers, "which represent a sad and stark reminder of a culture of
patronage and use of food and poverty as instrument of control and a
political weapon." Just last week, the MDC blew the lid off the involvement
of foreign embassies in Harare in bankrolling Zanu (PF). The MDC singled out
Libya, which is donating tractors to Zanu (PF)'s campaign. The continuing
occupation of farms and planned invasion of British companies by Mugabe's
supporters is central to the ruling party's election strategy. Driven from
their homes, many thousands of presumed opposition supporters will be
disqualified from voting. Sheer terror will also play its part, observers
are already warning. The MDC reported on Monday that Elson Mutonhori, that
party's Masvingo South secretary, was on Saturday morning abducted at
gunpoint by Major-General Engelbert Rugeje and one Major Toperesu at his
Renco Mine home. "Rugeje and Toperesu who were driving an unmarked white
Mitsibishi truck took Mutonhori to the Rock Motel in Chivi some 100 km away,
where they interrogated and intimidated him until midnight," the MDC said in
a statement. "Mutonhori was asked why he had worn an MDC T-shirt during
the festive season." He was later released unharmed after being
interrogated. Zimbabwe's security forces has frequently used political
threats, unlawful detention and psychological torture to thwart opposition
to Zanu (PF).
Harare, January 13, 2011 –
Media, Information and Publicity permanent secretary, George Charamba
snubbed a Christmas gift from the state-owned Zimbabwe Broadcasting
Corporation (ZBC) at a time when workers had not been paid their December
salaries.
Sources at Munhumutapa building said Charamba was furious when
a ZBC truck laden with hampers and other goodies arrived at the government
offices at Munhumutapa and started dishing out gifts ranging from groceries,
fuel coupons, diaries and electronic gadgets to officials at his ministry
and other government departments, including the ministry of Defence, army,
the President’s office.
Charamba confirmed to Radio VOP that he
declined a “personal and private gift” from ZBC and suggested that the state
broadcaster could have been trying to ‘cultivate goodwill,’ by dishing out
Christmas presents to senior officials.
He said there was nothing
unusual about his decline, as he also refused to take another gift from his
own ministry, as this would have been in conflict of interest, considering
his dual role as Presidential spokesperson and media permanent
secretary.
“I have not accepted a gift from anyone since I have been in
government for the past 20 years,” he said.
Although Charamba
declined the ZBC gifts, several other government officials and senior
managers from the state-controlled broadcaster, gladly accepted the
goodies.
Workers at the corporation said they were only paid their
December salaries last week, almost three weeks after the normal pay day and
this was only done after the corporation secured a loan from a local
bank.
Senior Managers recently bought themselves top of the range and
luxurious Mercedes Benz and Toyota Landcruisers worth millions of dollars
leaving the corporation almost bankrupt. The top managers are also said to
be earning salaries close to US$20 000 on top of other perks such as free
fuel, US$1 000 weekly entertainment allowances, close to $10 000 holiday
allowances, as well as education allowances for their children and
spouses.
A source with the ZBC confirmed Charamba declined the gift from
management which he said was trying to cover up for its mismanagement of
company funds. Contacted for comment, ZBC spokesperson Sivukile Simango said
"I don't talk to the private press," before switching off his mobile phone.
By Thelma Chikwanha Thursday, 13 January
2011 17:43
HARARE - A bouyant Energy and Power Development Minister
Elton Mangoma plans to see the listing of the Zimbabwe Power Company (ZPC)
on the stock exchange in the first quarter of 2011 following the signing of
a Memorandum of Understanding with a leading financial institution to
improve power generation.
Zimbabwe’s ReNaissance Merchant Bank
(ReNaissance) is leading a raft of banks to raise nearly US$4 billion to
boost the country’s electricity supply and generation.
“I cannot
dictate how government works it. Listing must follow government processes
and it will depend on when people are ready and we gain consensus,” Mangoma
said.
However, he is optimistic that the project will receive cabinet
approval as there is consensus that power generation and supply is a
priority as it will steer industry to function at full
capacity.
Zimbabwe is currently struggling with massive power shortages
that have crippled both business and domestic consumers.
ZESA has
warned consumers to brace for severe blackouts in the next two weeks as it
battles to restore power generation at one of its power stations in Hwange
whilst carrying maintenance work at its Kariba plant.
While admitting
that the power blackouts have impacted negatively on the economy, Mangoma
said it was still cheaper than using alternative means of power such as
solar technonolgy.
“Solar is more expensive than electricity. It costs at
least one and half times more. Now show me who will pay double,” argued
Mangoma whose predecessor Elias Mudzuri had hoped to mitigate the outages
before his surprise axing.
Mangoma argues that solar energy is an
expensive technology which the country cannot pursue immediately because the
initial fixed costs of building solar plants are prohibitive.
He said
there was need for members of the public to understand that while the sun
which is a source of solar energy came up every day for 12 hours sunshine
energy builds up in varying degrees and is expensive to store up.
Solar
power is the conversion of sunlight into electricity using photovoltaic’s or
indirectly with concentrated solar power.
Zimbabwe has been battling with
power loss in the last decade owing to a plethora of problems that include
old equipment and mismanagement at ZESA which has had different bosses
appointed to change its performance in the last 15 years.
Government
and industry executives are in agreement that Zimbabwe’s energy sector needs
about US$10 billion to restore productivity in key sectors such as
agriculture, mining and manufacturing industries.
The Party of Excellence, MDC
is concerned by the continued bickering and ownership wrangle between Zanu
PF politiburo member, Patrick Chinamasa and businessman Mutumwa Mawere as
the effects are gravely affecting the general population who rely on the
existence of the Shabanie, Gaths and Mashava mines for their livelihoods.
For six years now, these workers, their families, together with surrounding
communal lands who depended on the mining towns have been at the receiving
end. Shabanie and Mashava mines indirectly support surrounding farmlands
that use Zvishavane town as the main supply center.
The reduction of
these mines into dead capital means people in the surrounding areas can not
tap into it for support. Workers have lost their incomes and their families
can no longer afford a lifestyle they were used to before the
de-specification of Mawere in July 2004. It is callous for government
whether inclusive or exclusive to behold such suffering and it takes no
remedial actions. It is equally heartless for any government to ignore the
impact of such selfish and unproductive squabbles on the women, children,
and underprivileged in our society. Sadly, the lives of over 60 000 people
in the two towns and surrounding communal lands have been sacrificed by the
wrangling over the future of the mines.
Zanu PF - true to its colour, has
shown that it is anti-poor, anti-workers and anti-prosperity, which is why
in the MDC, a pro-poor, pro-workers and pro-prosperity party, we have
problems with a functionary of Zanu PF in the likes of Chinamasa, who want
to despoil assets without considering the burden such behaviour has on the
general populace. Prior to the wrangles, Shabanie mine used to employ more
than 5 000 workers and produced 12 000 tonnes of asbestos per month, the
bulk which was exported earning the country foreign currency. However, this
has been reduced to dead capital, neither contributing to the growth of the
towns, which are slowly turning into ghost towns, nor to the economy of this
nation which could have been aided by the foreign currency.
The MDC
finds the behaviour of Zanu PF towards the mines intriguing, for nothing can
be achieved by the on-going stand-off with Mawere when a solution remains
elusive. In particular, the events surrounding Mawere’s fate smacks of
policy confusion in that at one stage he is declared a criminal – thus
forcing him to go into exile -- and on another his specification is lifted,
without any cogent explanation. The policy flip flop sends a damaging
message to any would-be investor, with devastating consequences for
Zimbabwe’s long term economic revival. The party is encouraged by the recent
attempts by Parliament to intervene in the dispute and to restore order to
the mines.
Chinamasa must come clean and tell the nation that the dispute
lays squarely between himself, Zanu PF and Mawere – not with the Inclusive
Government. The people of Shabanie, Gaths and Mashava deserve justice and
fair play.
Together, united, winning, ready for real change!!
--
MDC Information & Publicity Department Harvest House
Trade upswing,
politics and policy will determine the potential for Zimbabwe’s recovery in
2011
Zimbabwe’s uneven recovery from 10 years in recession will continue
— possibly even accelerate — through 2011, subject to three
provisos.
The first is the global economic upswing. So long as that
remains on course and Zimbabwe continues to benefit from strong demand and
high prices for its key exports (platinum, gold, ferrochrome, tobacco and
cotton — as well as the wild card, diamonds), GDP, which rebounded 8% in
2010, is expected to grow 9,3%, according to the finance
ministry.
The second is the political climate.
This year political
imponderables loom even larger than last as politicians squabble over a new
constitution and the timing of fresh elections, assuming the constitutional
draft is endorsed at a national referendum.
The third is economic policy,
specifically the government’s controversial indigenisation legislation.
President Robert Mugabe’s Zanu-PF is pushing hard for its immediate
implementation.
That would require all businesses with assets in excess
of US$500000 to dispose of 51% of their shares to indigenous (for which read
black) Zimbabweans within five years. The other two members of the fragile,
fractious coalition in Harare — prime minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC-T) and its breakaway wing, Arthur Mutambara’s
MDC-M — say they support the principle of black empowerment but not as
envisaged by Mugabe’s hardliners.
Uncertainty reigns and the longer
it continues the greater will be its impact on investment
decisions.
Indigenisation is not the only crucial economic issue that
divides the coalition. There is no consensus on debt rescheduling,
privatisation or public-service reform.
But so long as commodity
prices remain strong and the economy is operating well short of its capacity
levels, this policy paralysis need not disrupt the recovery. That is the
view of the country’s business leaders, who want elections to be postponed
so that the unpopular and dysfunctional administration hangs on to
power.
Yet if opinion polls are to be believed, they are in the minority.
The recent Afrobarometer survey found that 70% of Zimbabweans want elections
this year.
The political parties are split on the election issue,
too. Just last week, Welshman Ncube, who is expected to supplant Mutambara
as leader of the tiny MDC- M, said he was against elections this year. His
stance makes sense but, like the lawyer he is, he is talking his own book,
since he knows that his party is almost certain to be wiped out whenever the
elections are held.
Zanu-PF’s position is similarly confused. All the
evidence and polls suggest it will be heavily defeated by Tsvangirai’s MDC.
Despite this, the party is demanding that elections be held this year
because the so-called Global Political Agreement to set up the national
unity government expires in mid-February.
Though some in Mugabe’s
party appear to believe Tsvangirai’s flip-flop style of governing has dented
his political support , the rest hope that as long as the election rules
remain unchanged, Zanu- PF will be able to fiddle the result, just as it did
in 2008 and 2002.
With Mugabe himself not many weeks short of his 87th
birthday in February, the party’s best hope is to hold elections as soon as
possible so that a re-elected Mugabe can nominate his successor and retire
before his health deteriorates further.
The MDC’s official position
seems to be that elections cannot be held until a new constitution is in
place, which almost certainly means 2012 at the earliest. However, in the
space of just three months Tsvangirai has called for elections in 2011,
threatened to boycott them and demanded a presidential election with
parliamentary polls delayed until 2013. Small wonder that he has earned the
reputation of a man who agrees with the last person who spoke to
him.
Given these imponderables, the best bet is that Zimbabwe will have
to endure another year of status quo uncertainty . There will be rumours
surrounding the state of Mugabe’s health and the attitudes of President
Jacob Zuma’s administration, other SADC governments and the African Union
allegedly tiring of the ageing president’s intransigence.
The economy
will continue to recover, though probably less robustly than government
ministers predict, and investors will sit on their hands pending a
resolution of the political crisis.
The political logjam could be broken
by the president’s health, by internecine fighting over the succession
within Zanu- PF or possibly by the SADC governments led by Zuma finally
finding the courage to pull the rug out from under Zanu-PF’s feet. But,
given the Zuma/SADC track record, few analysts are holding their breath.
Democratic
Councils Forum (DemCoF) met in Harare today to discuss the following
issues; 1. The undemocratic and arbitrary interference of the Ministry of
Local Government, Rural and Urban Development in the running of cities and
town councils in Zimbabwe. 2. Collective action on the Harare and Mutare
Land audit reports on corruption by named senior Zanu PF officials. 3.
The politically partisan manner of targeting democratically elected councils
by Zanu PF functionaries. 4. The initiation of the Zimbabwe Local Government
Democracy Charter.
Having so debated the above issues, we resolved as
follows;
i. Chombo’s crimes Aware that serious malpractices and crimes
were committed by Zanu PF in previous councils, Noting Chombo’s widely
known looting and asset stripping of council’s finite
resources. Disturbed that Chombo’s corruption has deprived residents of
resources like land, Recognising the need to stop and reverse these
malpractices, DemCoF resolved that parliament moves a motion to investigate
Chombo for abuse of public office as a matter of urgency and in the national
interest 1.Minister’s arbitrary interference in councils Noting Chombo’s
unwarranted interference and micro-managing of local authorities Aware
that the Minister derives most of his power from the draconian local
government laws particularly the Urban Councils Act and the Rural District
Councils Act. Worried that these laws are undemocratic as they give the
minister power to reverse the peoples’ will, aspirations and development for
political expediency. DemCoF pledges to work with all residents, in their
diversity, to realise and restore the vibrancy of Zimbabwe’s Local
Authority, promote the generation of employment and raise the quality of
life for the people of Zimbabwe, in particular its necessary to amend Local
Government laws and realign them with the current needs and demands of the
people.
2. Suspensions and dismissal of councillors Concerned that the
Minister of Local Government Rural and Urban Planning has gone on a
retribution campaign suspending and dismissing councillors, Noting that to
date Chombo has arbitrarily dismissed 11 of our councillors and suspended
two in Harare. Worried that the move is meant to protect his vast interests
and personal fortune by silencing emerging voices,
DemCoF resolved
the affected councillors seek legal recourse against Chombo in both his
personal and professional capacity
3. Service delivery Disturbed that
Zanu PF negligence of local authorities for a period of over a decade has
led to massive collapse of infrastructure and that service delivery had
virtually crumpled. Noting that residents expect improved
services. Recognising that DemCoF has a people’s mandate and constitutional
obligation to restore the face of Zimbabwe’s battered local
government. Accepting that a lot to improve the services has been done, the
DemCoF resolved that focus should be on the following key result
areas; i. Provision of water and improvement of sanitary facilities ii.
Restoration of health centres with focus on primary health care and
communicable diseases. iii. Repair and maintenance of roads and
infrastructure and the iv. Provision of housing, shelter and other essential
amnesties.
Aware government still owes money to local authorities, and
that if it pays its debts the money will make a huge impact on service
delivery, DemCoF resolves to seek direction from the people through regular
consultations on how the money can be recovered and can be invested
productively in the national interest
4. Development of local
government service charter Recognising the need to set starndards in the
provision of service delivery to redents
DemCoF resolves to intiate
the development of local government Resolution.
DemCoF Executive
Director………………………………….. LAST MAENGAHAMA
-- MDC Information &
Publicity Department Harvest House
The
Guardian is accused of ignoring its own role in publishing a WikiLeaks cable
that may have put at risk the Zimbabwean prime minister. Critics have a case,
says Guardian deputy editor, Ian Katz, but only up to a point
Last week, Comment is Free published a piece by James Richardson claiming that WikiLeaks had put
Zimbabwean prime minister, Morgan Tsvangirai, at risk by releasing a US diplomatic cable that showed he had been privately urging Washington to
maintain sanctions against Harare, while taking the opposite position in public.
WikiLeaks and some commentators suggested this was unfair because it was the
Guardian, rather than WikiLeaks, which took the decision to publish the document.
They had a point. On Tuesday, the piece was
amended to reflect the Guardian's role in putting the document into the public
domain, and an explanatory note added. We should have done that quicker but the
readers' editor, our usual channel for corrections, had not received any
complaint. Some critics saw malice in the publication of the Richardson piece in
the first place: why would the Guardian point the finger at WikiLeaks knowing it
had published the cable? In fact, neither Richardson, a first-time contributor
to our comment website, nor the US-based editor who handled it, were aware of
the somewhat complicated process through which (most) cables were published. The
piece was posted on the bank holiday after Christmas. The Guardian's WikiLeaks
editing team was not around. They were taking a well-earned break after months
of working on the documents.
The Guardian and four other international news
organisations had – and has – access to all 250,000 leaked US embassy cables.
When the Guardian released a story based on one or more documents, we generally
published the relevant cables, edited where we considered it necessary to
protect sources. These redacted versions were shared with WikiLeaks which
published them (more or less) simultaneously.
This system applied to most of the cables
released up to the end of last year, though WikiLeaks released a small number
"unilaterally". So it would be fair to describe us as joint publishers of any
cables we have selected, with joint responsibility for any consequences of their
release. Our judgment was that publishing the Zimbabwe cable
would not place Tsvangirai, a high-profile elected politician who has been
publicly highly critical of Robert Mugabe for years, in danger. If we're wrong
about that we'll have to accept our share of the blame. But it is not right, as
some have implied, to characterise the situation as one in which it was
exclusively the Guardian rather than WikiLeaks which is responsible.
Glenn Greenwald argues on Salon.com that our
amendments to the Richardson piece are inadequate, and that we ought also to
correct a news story
about moves against Tsvangirai prompted by the cable releases. I'd say that,
taken in its entirety, the Richardson piece now pretty fairly reflects the
process described above, but if anyone disagrees they are free to refer the
matter to the Guardian's independent readers' editor.
It's important to remember a bit of context:
during the whole period "WikiLeaks" became shorthand used by virtually all
journalists the world over for the entire project. This was partly – or even
mainly – to give them credit for being the main source (or intermediary) for the
material. So, day after day, news organisations such as the BBC and other
newspapers reported that "WikiLeaks today revealed that …"
It was often equally true that it was the
Guardian, or El País, or the New York Times, which had "done the revealing", not
to mention much of the time-consuming work of finding, editing and redacting the
material. But it was a piece of widely understood journalistic shorthand. The
material was routinely referred to as a "WikiLeaks revelation", including in the
Guardian – ironically, perhaps, because we did not want to look as though we
were stealing WikiLeaks's thunder or glory.
The vast majority of Guardian stories would use
the same formula: "In documents released today by WikiLeaks it was revealed that
xxx …" That gave WikiLeaks the credit it both deserved and sought – and was
preferable to the alternative: "In documents released today by WikiLeaks, the
New York Times, the Guardian, El País, Le Monde and Der Spiegel."
The news piece to which Greenwald objects
referred to "confidential talks with US diplomats revealed by
WikiLeaks". But that was in keeping with
the way the Guardian – and other media – covered all disclosures in the cables.
We used a similar formula in stories about China, Bangladesh, Russia, the Middle
East and South America. It did not reflect any attempt to lay exclusive
responsibility at the door of WikiLeaks, any more than it was an attempt to
shirk our own. Both the news report and Richardson's piece now include a link to
this post.
Posted
by Richard M Kavuma Thursday 13 January 2011 07.00 GMT
guardian.co.uk
Laurent Gbagbo is following the likes of Robert Mugabe by
refusing to leave office following November's presidential election, but
Ivory Coast could represent a watershed for African
democracy
There are many reasons for being angry with Laurent Gbagbo,
whose belligerence has thrust Ivory Coast back into the eye of the storm and
threatened to undo any democratic gains of the past decade. For a man who
made ultimate political capital from opposing the strongman rule of Félix
Houphouët Boigny, it is a chilling commentary on African politics that
Gbagbo now seeks to cement his place as one, refusing to hand over power
after losing November's presidential election.
Yet it may be easy to
understand – without condoning – Gbagbo's stance. He must be wondering why
the international community has singled him out for special attention when
it hasn't acted with such aggression towards Robert Mugabe or Mwai Kibaki.
The events of the past month certainly remind us of disconcerting truths
about the brand of democracy in many African countries and elsewhere in the
developing world, truths that the pressure for optimism often forces us to
wish away.
Consider these cases: in Zimbabwe, the question, in April
2008, was not whether Mugabe had lost an election held in a climate of
state-inspired brutality, but whether he would "agree" to leave power. He
refused, and was forced by a crumbling economy into a power-sharing
arrangement with Morgan Tsvangirai, of the Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC). He is now rumoured to want to end what he sees as the indignity of
sharing power. More elections are due, with Mugabe saying recently they
would be free and fair "as they always are".
And then there is Kenya.
Around 1,300 people died in the violence that followed the presidential
election in 2007, in which Kibaki was declared the winner. He refused to
relinquish power, before international pressure forced him to share a
political bed with rival Raila Odinga. Another thorny union in which
ethnically aligned rival supporters are reportedly already buying guns in
preparation for the elections next year. While Kibaki will not contest,
thanks to the two-term constitutional limit, ethnic polarisation –
especially between the Kikuyu and Luo communities – means we can expect
another highly charged electoral period.
One man who knows how to
beat term limits is Yoweri Museveni, president of Uganda for almost a
quarter of a century. Museveni controversially abolished presidential term
limits in 2005, and next month he will contest his fourth election. A
topical question is already being asked, even by Ugandan voters: what would
happen if, like Gbagbo, Museveni lost power? Some of his previous utterances
provide a clue to the man's mind.
Two yeas ago, as Mugabe was declaring
that "MDC will never rule this country", Museveni was quoted in the Ugandan
media as saying he would not have handed over power if the opposition had
won the elections in 1996 and 2001. Only last year, a former Museveni
minister told a national newspaper that he had been at a meeting in which it
was discussed that the army planned to seize power if Museveni lost the 2001
polls. Not that the question itself is new: in 2001, CNN's Catherine Bond
asked Museveni if he would leave if he lost the election and Museveni's
response was telling: "I will not lose the elections. So that is completely
academic. But of course, [inaudible] why not?" Compare that with Gbagbo's
campaign slogan in 2010, "we win or we win", and you realise that Africa's
elections function on a different logic.
Ideally, elections are held
to choose leaders, but in many cases in Africa, elections are either
intended to launder regimes that fought their way to power, or otherwise
dress up despots in democratic garb – so the idea of losing is academic. In
these neopatrimonial states, the big man, like Mugabe or Museveni, believes
only he has the capacity and the right to rule. Hence, Museveni sees "no one
else with the vision" to lead Uganda, and Mugabe believes Tsvangirai cannot
lead Zimbawe because he did not fight for independence.
With such
logic, elections are routinely rigged - the Ugandan courts have found the
previous two presidential polls were. And if the rigging falls short, there
must be a mechanism in place to announce the big man as the
winner.
In Kenya, Zimbabwe and Ivory Coast, the pressure to end the
chaos has come from abroad. Whether such pressure can be sustainable is
questionable, but perhaps Ivory Coast represents a watershed for African
democracy – the optimistic exceptions of countries such as Ghana and
Botswana notwithstanding.
How did Johannes Tomana sleep-walk onto the sanctions list?
By Clifford
Chitupa Mashiri, Political Analyst, London 13/01/11
The imposition of a
travel ban and an asset-freeze on Zimbabwe’s Attorney General, Johannes
Tomana in December 2010 by the United States (US) Government was long
overdue and a big wake-up call on the country’s Chief Law Officer.
It
was long overdue because Tomana should have been banned in June 2008 when as
deputy AG, he allegedly advised the government that it was legal to detain
MDC supporters without trial contrary to provisions of the Constitution of
Zimbabwe.
Wake-up call
The travel ban is a wake-up call on the
Attorney General whose controversial appointment and that of Governor of the
Reserve bank of Zimbabwe, Gideon Gono have stalled the coalition
government’s efforts towards national healing.
The country still
awaits the prosecution of those who were named as responsible for the
abduction and torture of the human rights activist Jestina Mukoko. The AG is
expected to call for a full investigation into the seven MDC activists who
were abducted and are still missing, namely: Gwenzi Kahiya, Lovemolre
Machokoto, Charles Muza, Ephraim Mabeka, Edmore Vangirayi, Peter Munyanyi
and Graham Matehwa.
Selective prosecutions
It can be fairly argued
that Johannes Tomana sleep-walked onto the US sanctions list because he
‘selectively prosecuted political opponents and their perceived supporters
in an effort to undermine Zimbabwe’s democratic processes and institutions’
according to the Director of the U.S. Department of the Treasury’s Office of
Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), Adam J. Szubin.
“Johannes Tomana’s
targeting of selected political opponents threatens the rule of law in
Zimbabwe, harms the integrity of the Government of National Unity and
counters the will of Zimbabwean people, who have expressed their desire to
build a democratic political system” said Mr Szubin (America.gov,
12/21/10).
The AG’s office has been criticised for not prosecuting
about 24 people suspected of being members of the Zimbabwe National Army who
allegedly committed various criminal offences including politically
motivated violence, assault and abduction in Hwedza, Harare, Makoni, Buhera,
Gokwe North and Mutare. According to Zimbabwe Democracy Now (01/10/09) one
of them led a group in army uniform which allegedly ‘murdered’ three people
on 5 May 2008 in Mazowe.
Also of major concern to civil society is
Tomana’s failure to prosecute the alleged murderers of MDC activists
Tichaona Chiminya and Talent Mabika who were brutally killed ‘in broad
daylight’ by a suspected Zanu-pf activist and a state security agent on 15
April 2000 in Buhera, Manicaland.
Land seizures
Following
Zimbabwe’s withdrawal from the SADC Tribunal after its ruling in favour of
79 commercial farmers finding that the government’s land seizures were
racist, unlawful and violated their rights September 2009 saw an increase in
land and farming related violations of the GPA, and approximately 66, 0000
farm workers were left homeless since February 2009.
Questions have been
asked why under Johannes Tomana has the office of Attorney General allows
Zimbawean citizens to suffer injustice. For example, Robert Anthony McKersie
made his 78th court appearance on the same charge in September 2009: ”I have
been acquitted three times, withdrawn before plea twice, withdrawn before
appeal once and I’ve had a High Court order. Six acquittals and I have been
in court for the same issue” (sokwanele, 06/10/09).
Amidst reports
that members of the Zimbabwe National Army had been deployed to many farms
around the country in December 2009, in what analysts saw as a push to
remove the last few hundred remaining white commercial farmers, the AG was
quoted as saying:
‘Those farmers are actually guilty of breaking the law
and they must leave. All the land in the country belongs to the government
and as such no individual has the right to disobey a government directive to
vacate such’ (thezimbabwemail, 31/12/09; zimdiaspora, 30/12/09).
The
harassment of white commercial farmers has only helped to scare foreign
investors who are the engines of economic growth and employment creation.
Tomana is supposed to uphold the rule of law at Triangle Hippo
Valley.
In January 2010 Tomana reportedly said the military would be
deployed to remove white commercial farmers ‘who refuse to vacate State
owned land’.
Zimbabwe’s Attorney General dismissed a letter sent by human
rights lawyers in November 2010 calling for the prosecution of perpetrators
of political violence which saw 200 MDC supporters murdered during the
bloody period prior to the 2008 presidential election.
Persecution of
Roy Bennett
During the trial of MDC Treasurer General Roy Bennett in 2009
who was later acquitted on terrorism charges, Johannes Tomana chose to
prosecute in the case and reportedly caused a security nightmare as he
arrived at court in his latest S-Class Mercedes Benz with two escort twin
cab trucks laden with intelligence officers. The AG’s elaborate security
arrangements caused ‘curious stares’ and were unprecedented in Zimbabwe for
a government law officer.
At the ‘gruelling 16 months of persecution
and 109 court appearances of Roy Bennett’ the AG called upon several
witnesses who the judge later described as being of “amazing ignorance”
(mdc.co.zw, 19/05/10). One of the 13 state witnesses who was supposed to be
an information technology (IT) expert – turned out to be just a cable layer
after he was unmasked by Bennett’s award winning defence lawyer, Beatrice
Mtetwa.
Asked if he knew that there were computer hackers and computer
forensic expects, Mutsetse said it was the first time he was hearing of such
terms and asked Mtetwa to clarify where the hackers are from and who trained
them. Mutsetse had been introduced by Attorney General Johannes Tomana as
the provincial engineer for a cable company.
History
According
to a transcript of Inside Zimbabwe produced in August 2006 when he was
interviewed at his Maryland Farm as the anti-corruption commissioner,
Johannes Tomana reportedly said he didn’t always have the good things in
life. “As a young child, he worked on a white-owned farm, removing worms
from tobacco crops”(pri.org/theworld, 28/08/06).
However, as the new
black owner of a farm seized from a white farmer, Tomana was reportedly
building brick houses for his farm workers who lived in mud huts under the
former white owner.
Fear
In February 2010 Tomana revealed that he
was living in fear from anonymous threats and that he needed protection. He
told journalists that Zimbabweans at home and those in the Diaspora were
threatening him. What happened to the two escort twin cab
trucks?
Government efforts to reform the Office of Attorney General by
providing for a board to supervise the chief law officer have been found
wanting on independence from the executive, low remuneration and
corruption.
Witchhunt
In a move that has been described by critics
as ‘chasing rainbows’ Johannes Tomana was expected on Wednesday 12/01/10 to
name “a team of practising lawyers” to investigate the alleged “treasonous
collusion” between former opposition leaders and Western governments. “From
a legal perspective it would be folly”, award winning lawyer Beatrice Mtewa
has said.
Critics argue that Tomana’s record as the AG ‘is punctuated by
a failure to separate politics from the law’ and that he takes cases which a
first year law student would decline as it would be obvious there was no
chance of success with the case of Peter Histchmann and Roy Bennett being
given as an example (theindependent, 30/12/10).
Although George
Charamba’s recent ‘verbal diarrhoea’ was entitled “2011: the year when
sanctions will go” I foresee Johannes Tomana joining his allies on the EU
targeted sanctions list this year unless he restores the rule of law. It is
also time full details about the so-called frozen assets of those banned
were disclosed for public information and verification of ownership in case
they are proceeds of crime. How did they accumulate their wealth when some
of them did not have a decent pair of shoes at independence?
The following is part of a series of Shona lessons provided by
www.learnshona.com. The audio versions are available at learnshona.com.
Please note that learnShona.com courses are designed to teach you
by listening and repeating the words, as this is similar to the highly effective
and proven Pimsleur technique. As such, it will be more difficult,
and much slower, to grasp by reading alone. We recommend downloading the audio
course to listen and repeat.
We welcome your feedback and
hope that you find this useful.
This week’s lesson covers
elements of grammar, using the setting of basic introductions to increase your
intuitive understanding of Shona sentence structures. Then we have
some key vocabulary for basic sentences.
Introduction
using ‘zita’(name)
This is a conversation between two people, A and B.
A
: My
name is Peter. And what is yours? - Zita rangu ndiPeter. Ko, rako
ndiani?
B
: It
is John \l am John - NdiJohn.
A:
I
am happy to know you John (Shaking hands) - Ndafara kukuziva
John.
B
: I
am also happy to know you Peter - Ndafarawo kukuziva Peter
Introduction
using nzi
A:
I
am called John and who are you? Ini ndinonzi John, Ko imi munonzi
ani?
B:
I
am called Mrs Suddens - Ndinonzi Mai Suddens
Getting
to know each other
Usually
after the introductions people want to know the person they have met. This
involves
asking
and answering questions on various aspects of one’s life,ranging from where
they
come
from,to hobbies,etc.
Vocabulary
Come
from -bva
Where?
- Kupi?
Me
- Ini
Too
- wo
Years-makore
How
many – ngani
Birthday
- zuva rokuzvarwa
Be
born - zvarwa
Job
- basa
Work(noun)
- shanda
Education
- dzidzo
Grade
- giredhi
Form
- fomu
University
- yunivhesiti
First
- kutanga
Final
- kupedzisira
Study
- dzidza
To
finish - kupedza
Live
- gara
Near
- pedyo/padyo
To
marry - kuroora
To
be married - kuroorwa
Address
- kero
Telephone
number - nhamba dzerunhare
Animals
- mhuka
Keep
- chengeta
Pets
- mhuka yekutambisa
Dog
- imbwa
Puppy
- mbwanana/handa
Cat
- katsi
Kitten
- mangoi
Bird
- shiri
Fish
- hove
Rabbit
- tsuro
Family
- mhuri
Food
- zvokudya
Drink
- zvinwiwa
Where?
- Kupi
To
come from - kubva
Where
do you come from?(You are from where) - Unobva kupi?