Our first Vigil of the New Year
was the coldest of the winter so far. But it was bright and, most importantly,
dry. We had a reasonable turnout for this torpid time of year – about the same
number who attended on Christmas Eve and New Year’s Eve. It was certainly
easier than New Year’s Eve when supporters had to brave a tube strike, including
3 English girls who had spent five months of their gap year as volunteers
helping Pastor Ray Motsi of the Bulawayo Baptist Church.
Some of our
members agreed to speak about Zimbabwe at an Anglican church in Speldhurst,
Kent. We are always keen to raise awareness in the churches and particularly
welcome the opportunity to tell Anglicans about the Bishop of Harare, the Mugabe
clone and part-time farmer.
As usual, supporters came from far and wide
– Rugby, Leicester, Southampton, Canterbury . . . It is inspiring to know of
the great efforts people make to join us outside the Embassy. For some it takes
many hours and no little expense. Though the weather may be cold, the
atmosphere at the Vigil is very warm and a bit of singing and dancing works
wonders.
As usual, Wiz’s newsboards attract a lot of attention,
briefing people on the latest dismal news from Zimbabwe. There is certainly a
lot of interest and sympathy. We see our job as building on this.
FOR
THE RECORD: 22 supporters came today.
FOR YOUR DIARY: Monday, 9th January
2005, 7.30 pm, first Zimbabwe Forum of the new year. Upstairs at the Theodore
Bullfrog pub, 28 John Adam Street, London WC2 (cross the Strand from the
Zimbabwe Embassy, go down a passageway to John Adam Street, turn right and you
will see the pub – nearest stations: Charing Cross and Embankment). Zimbabwean
activist Grace Kwinjeh, the European Representative of the MDC, based in
Brussels will talk on "The MDC Congress and the Future of the Party”. Grace is
coming to UK attending the MDC district meeting in Birmingham on Sunday and has
kindly responded to our request to give a talk to the Forum.
Vigil
co-ordinator
The Vigil, outside the Zimbabwe Embassy, 429 Strand, London,
takes place every Saturday from 14.00 to 18.00 to protest against gross
violations of human rights by the current regime in Zimbabwe. The Vigil which
started in October 2002 will continue until internationally-monitored, free and
fair elections are held in Zimbabwe. http://www.zimvigil.co.uk
by STAFF (1/7/2006) |
THE pro-Senate faction in
Zimbabwe’s biggest opposition party has announced that it will hold its parallel
National Congress during the last week of February. Pro-Senate faction joint
leader, Gift Chimanikire said his camp had decided on the date following the
completion of their restructuring exercise across the 12 MDC provincial
structures. “It is definite that we will hold our Congress during the last week
of February. We already resolved that last week upon completion of our
restructuring exercise,” said Chimanikire. Chimanikire was at pains to defend
his faction as the legitimate MDC, despite a decision by his peers within the
camp to adopt a provisional name – the Pro-Democracy Movement for Democratic
Change (PDMDC). He issued warnings to expelled party president Morgan Tsvangirai
and members of his camp to not abscond the meeting if they were still interested
in joining the party. “They have not completed their structures. In fact,
nothing has happened on their side in at least five MDC provinces. If they are
clever, and genuine MDC members who believe they were treated wrongly by the
real national council which we control, they free to appeal before the MDC’s
highest decision making body, the Congress,” said Chimanikire. Anti-Senate
spokesperson and legislator for Kuwadzana, Nelson Chamisa said his faction would
announce the date of their congress next week. Chamisa said this as he came out
of national council meeting organised by his faction that resolved to set aside
the expulsion of Tsvangirai and national chairman, Isaac Matongo. “There is only
one MDC and that is us. There is also one national council and we control it. In
fact, in our national council meeting we resolved to declare null and void all
parallel structures and that means that the pro-Senate faction is powerless,”
Chamisa remarked. However, Chimanikire was quick to fire down Chamisa’s
statements. “Besides the fact that of the original national council that met on
October 12, we have 38 out of 71 members, Chamisa is also not qualified to speak
on behalf of the highest body in the MDC. It is a violation of the MDC
constitution and just goes to show that Tsvangirai and his cronies are still
bent on wilfully and brazenly violating the constitution,” responded
Chimanikire. According to Chimanikire, by virtue of being chairperson for the
MDC youth wing, Chamisa was prohibited from assuming any post in the party top
leadership. "He cannot be spokesperson," said Chimanikire. Since the fateful
October 12, 2005 meeting, the MDC has been split in two camps – one that
advocated participation in Senate and the other that was vehemently opposed to
any such participation on the basis of “an uneven political playing field”. The
national council meeting voted 33 to 31 in support of participating in the
Senate elections, but Tsvangirai overrode the decision of the council and
declared that his party would not contest the elections. Leaders of the
pro-Senate camp include MDC vice-president, Gibson Sibanda, secretary-general
Welshman Ncube, Chimanikire, treasurer-general Fletcher Dulini Ncube, outspoken
St Mary’s legislator Job Sikhala and Trudy Stevenson. The anti-Senate faction is
led by Tsvangirai, national chairman Isaac Matongo and Chamisa. There have been
suspensions and counter-suspensions as the party battles to ascertain which
faction controls the legitimate national council that makes binding decisions.
Source: AND
The Sunday TimesJanuary 08, 2006
Jane Kelly meets Nicholas van
Hoogstraten
Has prison made me go soft? Not likely
‘I’m not immoral,
never have been. I am amoral, that’s different,” snaps
Nicholas van
Hoogstraten, a stickler for accuracy (at least his own version
of it). “The
things the papers write about me. I’ve never threatened anyone
or killed
anyone — where are the bodies?” When Hoogstraten asks a direct
question,
accompanied by a beady stare, you often feel yourself fumbling for
an
answer.
Britain’s most notorious landlord, and one of its wealthiest men,
“the
richest man ever to stand in the dock at the Old Bailey”, he says
proudly,
is taking stock after getting off a 10-year prison sentence for
manslaughter
on appeal, only to be declared a murderer in the civil courts —
where the
standard of proof required is lower — just before
Christmas.
We meet in a dingy hotel he owns along with seven others
around Hove and
Brighton. Or rather, his beefy son Rhett, 21, owns it.
Hoogstraten keeps
nothing in his own name. “Of course I wouldn’t think twice
about having
people killed, if they threatened me,” he says, “but if I was to
do it, it
would be done properly by professionals not obviously connected
with me, it
would be a professional contract killing.”
Talking to
Hoogstraten, who gave himself the “van” early in his career for a
spot of
class, is like entering a mirror world, where all the codes of a
good society
are reversed, perhaps a bit like talking to a top Nazi when the
war was going
well for Germany.
Surrounded by a pile of legal papers, he is preoccupied by
what happened to
him at the Old Bailey. “I am determined to clear myself,” he
says, pouring
out a cup of tea without offering me one. “I am not being
associated with a
poxy, bungled business like that.”
The “business” was
the murder of Mohammed Sabir Raja, 63, a business rival
who had accused him
of forgery. Hoogstraten called him “a maggot”, someone
he would “break”, and
on July 2, 1999, assassins Robert Knapp — a long-time
associate of
Hoogstraten — and David Croke turned up at Raja’s house in
south London, shot
him in the face and chest at close range and stabbed him
five times, in front
of his grandsons.
In July 2002 Hoogstraten was given a 10-year sentence at
the Old Bailey for
the manslaughter of Raja while Knapp and Croke got life
sentences. Arrested
from his extraordinary home, Hamilton Palace, a £30m
copper-domed baroque
mansion, the biggest private house built in the 20th
century, Hoogstraten
went from millionaire to lag but he says he had no
problems in Belmarsh
prison.
He sees himself as too much of an aristocrat
of crime to be greatly
affected: “I hated not seeing my girlfriends and
children but I was put in
with the crème de la crème,” he says, “the really
dangerous people, no
riff-raff.”
After an unhappy childhood in Shoreham,
East Sussex, with a mother he felt
despised him, Hoogstraten left school at
16 and made money from selling
stamps. He is still an important philatelist.
With this money he bought
cheap property in the Bahamas, then freeholds with
sitting tenants in
Notting Hill, west London. By having no mortgages, forcing
tenants out and
refurbishing the properties he quickly made a fortune and
became Britain’s
youngest millionaire. He was a financial phenomenon, and
also peculiarly
deranged.
He first came to police notice in 1968, aged 23,
when he was jailed for
ordering thugs to throw a hand grenade into the home
of the Rev Braunstein,
a Jewish leader whose eldest son owed him £2,000. “He
wasn’t a rabbi, he was
only a cantor,” snaps Hoogstraten, irritated again. It
was in jail, in
Gloucestershire, that he first met Knapp, whom he calls
“Uncle Bob”.
He was jailed again for eight counts of handling stolen goods
and then
rearrested on his release in 1972 and given a further 15 months for
bribing
prison officers to take him luxuries. “I ran Wormwood Scrubs when I
was in
there,” he says proudly. “The Home Office was very pleased with my
regime
too.” Perhaps so: in any case he was quickly freed on appeal. The same
year,
he was fined for forcible entry and conspiracy to cause damage.
In
the 1980s, he entered the Guinness Book of Records for owing £5m in
income
tax, more than anyone else in British history, and was in court for
harassing
tenants, whom he referred to as “scum”. He came to public notice
again when
he started a vicious battle to keep ramblers off his land. In
1999 he was
fined for telling a barrister representing the hikers: “You
dirty bastard, in
due course, you are going to have it.”
But, of course, his recent sentence
was not the end of the line, and he knew
it. “When I stood there in the dock
at the Old Bailey, I was smiling,” he
says. “I knew it was a fit-up and the
case would never stand.” Sure enough,
he walked free a year later when the
Court of Appeal decided there had been
a lack of evidence at his
trial.
When he came out Raja’s family began a £6m civil action against him.
He
retaliated by counter- suing and infuriated one judge by refusing to
divulge
his assets. “I’ve got no assets at all now in the UK,” he says. “My
five
children got trust funds starting in 1986. They’ve got hundreds
of
millions.”
On Wednesday his representatives will go back to court to
press the Raja
family for his costs, running into millions. When I suggest he
might give it
a rest as he obviously doesn’t need any more money, he is
astonished. “I
couldn’t give a s*** myself, but there are companies and
shareholders
involved,” he says. “I do whatever I have to do.”
pager
2
At 60 he is shabbier and a little greyer than the last time we met,
some 10
years ago, and it seems at first that nothing has penetrated his
malevolent
shell. He is still hugely rich and still extraordinarily mean.
Although we
are in his hotel, I have to buy all my drinks, and as we talk he
is served a
lavish lunch by a pretty young Zimbabwean girl, but does not
offer me a
nibble. He remembers vividly that after our last interview he lent
me £10.
He is not quite sure that I ever paid it back (I did).
After the
murder of Raja, police found teabags drying on his draining board
when they
searched his premises. He spends lavishly on his five children,
all from
different, mostly black, mothers. Rhett attended Haileybury, the
top boarding
school which produced Clement Attlee, the Labour prime
minister, but
Hoogstraten says two of his four sons, who are at Lancing
college, alma mater
of Sir Tim Rice and the novelist Evelyn Waugh, had to
buy him a car recently
because they were embarrassed at him turning up in an
old BMW.
He
is still attracted to power expressed through brutality. He calls
Robert
Mugabe “a true English gentleman,” and shows me the memorandum for a
loan of
$10m made to the African dictator in November, with securities
reaching into
trillions.
The money was officially loaned by Messina
Investments, which belongs to his
children. “In six months’ time, when the
interest is due, it would be
cheaper for them to just kill me,” he says. I
agree. “I think I am more use
to the government in Zimbabwe alive,” he says,
chuckling for the first time.
From the arrangement he gains further wealth,
access to black girls and
power. He now owns large amounts of land and
property in Zimbabwe. “The
people would probably prefer me to be their
president,” he says without
irony.
He says he is involved in a lot of
“charity work”, supporting rural
education in Zimbabwe. This doesn’t sound
convincing yet there are
discernible changes in him. “I am different since I
went to prison,” he
says. “I am worse.”
This is Hoogstraten-speak for
“better”. Being imprisoned has apparently
given the man who once set the dogs
on his tenants a brand-new social
conscience.
He won’t admit he was
traumatised but his sense of grievance has obviously
wiped out other
preoccupations. He is no longer even interested in Hamilton
Palace, once a
grandiose monument to his wealth and where he planned to be
walled up with
his treasures after death, like a pharaoh.
It is as if reality has cut away
at some of his more narcissistic fantasies.
“I don’t think like that now,” he
says. “You do change your ideas with time.
My children get more important to
me as I get older.” Of course they are of
increasing use to him as they are
repositories of his wealth — walking
banks — but he appears fixated on the
idea of injustice to others.
So now he knows how it feels to be powerless
before an indifferent
judiciary. “If you are guilty you can fight to get your
sentence reduced but
if you are innocent, it is much harder to get anything
done. I did wonder
how I was ever going to prove my case.”
What he saw in
Belmarsh obviously affected him deeply. Always proud to boast
that he was
noted by a prison psychiatrist as a possible psychopath, for
once, it seems,
he felt empathy with other people’s problems. He says he met
many men inside
who were innocent. “What can you think about forgiveness
after that?” I
hadn’t mentioned forgiveness, and again, it sounded odd
coming from his
mouth.
Taught by Jesuits, he says he is still “a believing Catholic”, and
while he
was in prison he took up counselling. “They sent me on a course,” he
says,
“they called it being ‘a Samaritan’. I was a Samaritan and I’ve got
a
certificate to prove it. I gave advice to prison officers worried
about
their emotional problems and child access. I helped other prisoners who
were
unjustly accused. People often come to me for advice.”
This
remarkable image of him, as an agony aunt, is rather spoilt when he
adds: “I
am really a godfather.” He likes this idea of himself in late
middle age,
dispensing advice to less experienced folk, a way of feeling
good about
power. “People still like coming to me for advice. I am going to
go on being
a Samaritan,” he says. “I’ve never intimidated anyone — well,
have I?”
Dear Family and Friends,
Hello and Happy New Year! There is good news and bad
news from Zimbabwe.
The good news is that we are having the most wonderful
rainy season. It
was a wet Christmas and a wet New Year and in Marondera we
have now had
over 18 inches of rain. The bad news is that there is very
little food in
the ground being watered by these abundant rains and by all
accounts
Zimbabwe is heading for exceptionally hard times this
year.
Wishing people a Happy New Year has seemed a particularly
inappropriate
and hollow sentiment in Zimbabwe at the beginning of 2006.
There are no
signs of growth or prosperity on our horizon. For most people
there is
little to be happy about and nothing but hardship to look forward to
as
the country hurtles backwards in time at a terrifying pace. I think
the
best way to describe this reversal in growth would be to give you a
taste
of life in Marondera in January 2006 - it's not very
pleasant.
After 18 inches of rain in 8 weeks we have had no road repairs
or
maintenance in my suburb of Marondera. The potholes are big, filled
with
muddy water and unavoidable. Vegetation growing on suburban road sides
has
not been cut at all for the past two months, weeds and grass are
creeping
unchecked into and under the tar. Storm drains, contours and road
culverts
have not been cleared and sand and silt run off our roads and lie in
thick
carpets at the bottom of slopes and on road sides. At all hours big
rusty
trucks without number plates come and harvest this sand to sell to
the
building industry. Some suburban roads have now deteriorated to such
an
extent as to require 4 wheel drive vehicles. We have not had any
garbage
collection in suburban Marondera for 5 weeks. Desperate residents
have
taken to dumping household trash on roadsides, under trees and
anywhere
away from their own homes. Around urban cemeteries, in delicate
wetlands
and on immediate stream and river banks people are destroying every
last
shred of the environment as they cut trees and dig up the bush to
plant
little squares of food. These are just some of the horrors that are
there
for all to see. What lies behind closed doors and locked gates is
far
worse as people desperately struggle to cope with the economic
nightmare
of life in Zimbabwe.
As we have stumbled into 2006 we have
been hit with astronomical increases
in school fees. Last January a small
rural government school in Marondera
charged a hundred a fifty thousand
dollars a term. This January the same
school wants 1.2 million dollars per
child. This is one of the cheaper
prices and just the beginning as the child
must also come dressed in a
full uniform with school shoes and provide all
his own writing books.
Undoubtedly many thousands of children will not be
going back to school
this new year. It is hard to believe that this is the
same country, being
ruled by the same man who twenty five years ago promised:
"Education for
All by 2000."
Even more frightening than crumbling
roads, uncollected trash and
unaffordable schools is the crisis in our health
systems. In the first
week of 2006 it was announced that doctors consultation
fees have
increased by 100 %. It will now costs 2.9 mill to see a doctor and
for
people, like teachers, who earn less than 5 million dollars a month,
this
is as good as a death sentence. Fourteen people died of cholera
in
Zimbabwe over Christmas. To stem the spread of cholera the state media
are
urging people not to travel (as if we had fuel - oh please!) and
advising
people to boil drinking water and use disinfectants. It's an
easy
statement to make but when the smallest possible bottle of
disinfectant
costs the same as five loaves of bread, I know what most people
will be
forced to choose. It is impossible to believe that this is the
same
country, being ruled by the same man who twenty five years ago
promised:
"Health for all by the year 2000."
Things are not looking
good in Zimbabwe this January 2006. Those of us who
can are helping the man,
woman or child next to us in whatever way we can.
It is not much but is the
best New Years Resolution I can think of for our
desperate country in these
dreadful times. Until next week, thanks for
reading, love cathy. Copyright
cathy buckle 7th January 2006.
http://africantears.netfirms.com
My
books "African Tears" and "Beyond Tears" are available from:
orders@africabookcentre.com
WTOP - Washington
Jan 7th
- 10:20am
Harare (dpa) - Fourteen people have died of cholera in
Zimbabwe in the last two weeks including a Harare family who bought contaminated
fish from a police auction, the state-run Herald newspaper reported Saturday.
AIM Cholera first broke out in the central Chikomba and Chivhu
districts, where seven people died. There has been a separate outbreak in the
eastern Buhera district.
There have been 181 cases of cholera reported in
Zimbabwe so far, according to the Herald. The disease is linked to poor hygiene
and sanitation and spreads quickly during the rainy season.
In the latest
cases, three members of a family from the low-income suburb of Glen View died
this week, allegedly after eating fish sold by police a few days before
Christmas. The fish is said to have been confiscated from illegal vendors, the
paper reported.
"We bought fish for 20,000 Zimbabwe dollars (0.23 US
dollars) each at an auction at the police camp, but they were bad," a spokesman
for the family said.
Three more members of the family were quarantined at
the Beatrice Road Infectious Diseases Hospital.
A police spokesman said the
police were not supposed to sell perishables like fish to the public and
promised to investigate reports of the auction.
Health teams have been put
on high alert across the country to deal with cholera outbreaks, Health Minister
David Parirenyatwa told the Herald.
Copyright 2006 dpa Deutsche
Presse-Agentur GmbH